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Few events in the recent history of Indian illegally occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK) have proved as consequential as the martyrdom of BurhanMuzaffarWani on 8 July 2016. Nearly a decade later, his martyrdom continues to occupy a prominent place in discussions about the conflict, not only because of the widespread unrest that followed, but also because it marked a profound shift in the way the Kashmir issue was communicated, perceived and debated.<\/p>\n
Wani not only symbolised resistance against Indian rule but also embodied a movement that drew more young people into the freedom struggle. His emergence transformed the political and psychological landscape of Kashmir in ways that continue to resonate even today.<\/p>\n
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Born to a highly-educated upper-class Kashmiri family, Wani was driven to Kashmiri freedom struggle at the age of 15 on October 16, 2010, after his brother and he were beaten up by Indian forces “for no reason”.\u00a0 Wani was extremely active on social media, and did not hide his identity behind a mask. His video messages, which would often go viral in Kashmir, were on the topics of Indian injustice and the need for young people to stand up to oppression. In his last video he had warned police of “consequences” if they continued to resist the “movement”.<\/p>\n
But, Wani’s popularity can be considered as more of a manifestation of the mood and upsurge of violence in IIOJK in 2016, which was influenced by several incidents.<\/p>\n
Two popular uprisings in 2008 and 2010 saw the deaths of more than 200 people, most of them civilian protesters, killed by Indian forces. The hanging of Afzal Guru, a Kashmiri Hurriyat leader convicted over the 2001 Indian parliament attack, also intensified anger and a sense of isolation. The final straw at that time was the decision by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), which won elections in the Muslim-majority Kashmir valley, to form a coalition with India’s ruling Hindu nationalist BharatiyaJanata Party (BJP). Against this backdrop of political alienation, recurring unrest and growing frustration among Kashmiri youth, Wani’s online messaging resonated with many young people, making him a highly visible figure in the conflict.<\/p>\n
Before 2016, much of the imagery associated with armed struggle in IIOJK remained deliberately concealed. Armed groups generally operated in secrecy, avoiding public exposure and relying on clandestine networks. BurhanWani broke with that tradition. He appeared openly in photographs and videos circulated on social media, speaking directly to a generation that had grown up with smartphones and digital connectivity. In doing so, he altered the communication strategy of the armed struggle. The battlefield was no longer confined to forests, mountains or urban neighbourhoods; it increasingly extended into the digital sphere, where images, videos and personal narratives travelled far more rapidly than official statements.<\/p>\n
This shift coincided with the growing influence of social media across South Asia. Platforms that had primarily been used for personal communication became arenas for political messaging, public mobilisation and competing narratives. Wani’s online presence enabled him to reach audiences that earlier generations of freedom fighters in IIOJK could not. His photographs and recorded messages were shared extensively, particularly among young Kashmiris, giving him a level of visibility that was unprecedented for aMujahidin the region.<\/p>\n
The significance of that visibility lay not merely in the technology itself but in its timing. By the middle of the last decade, a large section of Kashmir’s population had come of age after the peak years of the armed struggle during the 1990s. Many had experienced prolonged political uncertainty, periodic unrest and an increasingly digital public sphere. Social media offered an immediate and interactive means of exchanging ideas, expressing grievances and engaging with political developments. Wani’s ability to communicate through these platforms made him one of the most recognisable faces associated with the conflict, particularly among younger audiences.<\/p>\n
That visibility also exposed the widening gap between official narratives and local perceptions. While Indian authorities viewed him primarily through the prism of counter-insurgency and national security, Kashmiris who followed his online presence interpreted his messaging through a broader lens of political identity, alienation and unresolved aspirations. The contrast illustrated how digital platforms could amplify competing interpretations of the same individual and the same conflict.<\/p>\n
The reaction to Wani’smartyrdom underscored the depth of those divisions. News of his killing triggered months of widespread protests, prolonged curfews and clashes between demonstrators and Indian forces in which over 100 people were killed, and thousands injured, while everyday life across much of the Valley was severely disrupted. Educational institutions remained closed for extended periods, economic activity slowed dramatically and communication restrictions became a defining feature of the months that followed. The events of 2016 represented one of the most prolonged periods of instability in Kashmir since the early years of the armed struggle.<\/p>\n
Equally significant was the transformation in the information environment. Images, eyewitness accounts and videos from the Valley spread rapidly across digital platforms, often reaching international audiences before traditional media could verify or contextualise them. Governments, journalists, activists and ordinary citizens increasingly found themselves competing to shape public understanding of events unfolding in real time. Kashmir had entered a new era in which information itself became an important dimension of the conflict.<\/p>\n
The events that followed BurhanWani’s martyrdom also transformed India\u2019s approach to information management in IIOJK. As his photographs, videos and messages continued to circulate widely on Facebook, WhatsApp and other emerging digital platforms, New Delhi increasingly viewed social media as a catalyst for mobilisation and public protest. In the weeks after July 2016, mobile internet services were repeatedly suspended across the Valley, while authorities imposed curfews and restrictions on public movement under Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Officials also invoked powers under the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885, to order temporary shutdowns of telecommunications, arguing that the measures were necessary to maintain public order. Although these restrictions relied on existing legal provisions rather than new legislation, they marked a decisive shift in India’s security strategy, with digital communication increasingly regarded as a domain requiring tighter state control. The experience of 2016 laid much of the groundwork for the far more comprehensive communications blackout imposed following the constitutional changes of August 2019, when the Indian government suspended mobile, broadband and landline services under the Temporary Suspension of Telecom Services Rules, 2017, issued under the Telegraph Act. Together, these developments reflected a growing recognition that controlling the flow of digital information had become as strategically significant as maintaining physical security on the ground.<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n A chronological timeline of the principal legal, administrative and regulatory measures used to restrict communications, social media and digital platforms in IIOJK following the martyrdom of BurhanWani on 8 July 2016<\/em><\/p>\n In the years that followed, the digital contest over narratives intensified. Restrictions, internet suspensions and evolving regulatory measures reflected the growing recognition that communication technologies had become central to political mobilisation as well as public order. The events surrounding July 2016 demonstrated that social media was no longer simply a tool for sharing information; it had become an influential arena in which political identities, public opinion and competing interpretations of Kashmir were continuously negotiated.<\/p>\n BurhanWani’s legacy therefore extends beyond the individual himself. His emergence highlighted a broader generational shift in the conflict, one in which digital communication increasingly shaped political consciousness and public engagement. The debates that followed his killing were not confined to questions of security alone. They also encompassed freedom of expression, state authority, youth identity, media representation and the power of digital platforms to influence political discourse.<\/p>\n Nearly ten years later, those debates remain unresolved. The constitutional changes introduced in August 2019, subsequent political developments and continuing restrictions have ensured that Kashmir remains at the centre of regional and international attention. At the same time, technological change has accelerated further, making digital communication an even more influential force in shaping public narratives than it was a decade ago.<\/p>\n History often remembers individuals not only for their actions but for the moments they come to represent. The events of July 2016 marked such a moment. They demonstrated how rapidly technology could transform a local conflict into a globally visible issue, alter patterns of political communication and influence the perceptions of an entire generation. Whether viewed through the lens of security, politics, media or society, the legacy of that period lies less in the story of one individual than in the profound changes it brought to the way the Kashmir conflict is understood, communicated and contested.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Few events in the recent history of Indian illegally occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK) have proved as consequential as the martyrdom of BurhanMuzaffarWani on 8 July 2016. Nearly a decade later, his martyrdom continues to occupy a prominent place in discussions about the conflict, not only because of the widespread unrest that followed, but also …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":204652,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-204710","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-articles"],"aioseo_notices":[],"aioseo_head":"\n\t\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\n
\n Date<\/strong><\/td>\n Law \/ Order \/ Measure<\/strong><\/td>\n Legal Basis<\/strong><\/td>\n Key Restrictions \/ Significance<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n\n \n 8 July 2016<\/strong><\/td>\n BurhanWani martyred<\/td>\n \u2014<\/td>\n Widespread protests erupted across the Kashmir Valley, prompting one of the largest communication crackdowns in the region.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n July 2016<\/strong><\/td>\n Curfew and restrictions on assembly<\/td>\n Section 144, Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), 1973<\/td>\n Prohibited public gatherings, restricted movement and imposed curfews across large parts of the Valley.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n July\u2013October 2016<\/strong><\/td>\n Mobile internet shutdown<\/td>\n Section 5(2), Indian Telegraph Act, 1885<\/td>\n Mobile internet services were suspended repeatedly to curb circulation of protest videos, images and mobilisation through social media.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n July\u2013August 2016<\/strong><\/td>\n Suspension of mobile phone services in several districts<\/td>\n Indian Telegraph Act, 1885<\/td>\n Authorities intermittently suspended voice services alongside internet services during periods of heightened unrest.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n September\u2013October 2016<\/strong><\/td>\n Ban on selected television news channels<\/td>\n Executive orders by local administration<\/td>\n Temporary suspension of cable transmission of several television news channels, citing concerns over inflammatory coverage.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n 26 April 2017<\/strong><\/td>\n Ban on 22 social media platforms<\/td>\n Executive Order issued by IIOJK authorities under public safety powers<\/td>\n Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter, YouTube, Skype, Telegram, WeChat and other platforms were blocked for one month to prevent dissemination of “anti-national” and “inflammatory” content.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n 7 August 2017<\/strong><\/td>\n Temporary Suspension of Telecom Services (Public Emergency or Public Safety) Rules, 2017<\/td>\n Indian Telegraph Act, 1885<\/td>\n First nationwide legal framework empowering governments to suspend telecom and internet services during emergencies or for public safety.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n 4\u20135 August 2019<\/strong><\/td>\n Complete communications blackout before abrogation of Article 370<\/td>\n Section 5(2), Indian Telegraph Act, 1885 and Telecom Suspension Rules, 2017<\/td>\n Mobile internet, broadband, landlines, SMS and mobile voice services were suspended across Jammu and Kashmir.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n 5 August 2019<\/strong><\/td>\n Restrictions on movement and assembly<\/td>\n Section 144 CrPC<\/td>\n Curfews and prohibitory orders accompanied the communications shutdown.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n January 2020<\/strong><\/td>\n Limited internet restoration through “whitelist”<\/td>\n Government Orders under Telegraph Act and Telecom Suspension Rules<\/td>\n Access allowed only to approved websites; social media platforms and VPNs remained blocked.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n 10 January 2020<\/strong><\/td>\n Supreme Court judgment in AnuradhaBhasin v. Union of India<\/em><\/td>\n Supreme Court of India<\/td>\n Court held that indefinite internet shutdowns were impermissible and that restrictions must satisfy tests of necessity and proportionality.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n January 2020 \u2013 February 2021<\/strong><\/td>\n Restriction of mobile internet to 2G<\/td>\n Government Orders under Telegraph Act and Telecom Suspension Rules<\/td>\n High-speed (4G) mobile internet remained suspended across most of Jammu and Kashmir for over a year.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n 10 November 2020<\/strong><\/td>\n Amendment to Telecom Suspension Rules<\/td>\n Central Government Notification<\/td>\n Introduced procedural safeguards, mandatory review mechanisms and publication requirements for suspension orders following the Supreme Court ruling.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n 5 February 2021<\/strong><\/td>\n Restoration of 4G mobile internet<\/td>\n Government Order<\/td>\n High-speed mobile internet services restored across Jammu and Kashmir after approximately 18 months of restrictions.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n